Most of the reasons for Dems to wave Franken a chilly goodbye are recounted in the piece, but it does neglect to mention that Norm Coleman is already a member of the club which treats its own very well, and that he is genuinely and widely liked and highly regarded on both sides of the aisle because he is not only a very bright and hard-working man, but also a very good one as well.
It tolls for T, as in Tribune Co.
The stock was trading at just under 18 at Friday’s close. The buzz about the company will have to raise eyebrows about all newspapers. If the Tribune Company goes bk, how far behind can the New York Times be? One effect of the recession will be to force corporate America to ask where the ad dollars are being spent. Newspapers with declining circulations and thousands of “subscribers” who often don’t even touch a third of the pages have to be the biggest target.
There aren’t many senior and successful ad types who are also conservatives. One of the rare ones wrote me Friday, a correspondent whom I will call “Bear in the Woods,” for reasons made obvious below. (Hint: You don’t really want to be known as a conservative among Madison Avenue types.) Here’s what BoW wrote me after my recent columns and show segments on Twitter etc:
Your perspective on new media is on the mark, from the standpoint of emerging social platforms — as is your call for the modernization of the communication tactics used by conservatives. This is the kind of thinking that absolutely must lead conservative communication strategy. I know, because I work with this stuff every day.[# More #]
I’m an advertising creative — not in politics, but in the general
market — who works in every medium, including a lot in interactive. I’m no rock star, but I think my peers would call me accomplished, on a national level. What’s odd, and not all that well-known, is the fact that I’m a conservative Republican. While the business side of advertising leans toward fiscal conservatism, finding a conservative creative is rare. At least an accomplished creative, in the general market, who is conservative. Because there are few. And most of us don’t talk much about it, because it can affect our business. Seriously. Like Hollywood.
I joke with my friends that the Republicans have produced only one legitimately creative TV commercial in my lifetime — the “Bear in the Woods” spot done for President Reagan — because all the good creatives are Democrats. I joke, but I believe it.
So the GOP just got beat. And people are grasping in every direction to figure out exactly why. Social media played a big role, but we didn’t lose because of social media alone. Never mind the crash, either. We would have lost in a stable economy. What beat us was a terrific integrated campaign, across all media — with top shelf work, done by some of the best in the world. A simple, resonating tag line that was broad enough to mean anything to anyone, Shepard Farey icons, all the right emotional triggers — it was there, across the board. In old media and new. A consistent, emotional message, executed perfectly. You don’t have to watch the upcoming documentary to know Obama voters didn’t study the candidate’s positions. They didn’t have to. They were too busy reacting to creative product.
And that leads to my point about all these new ways to reach people. They don’t matter a bit, if you’re reaching them with a message that doesn’t resonate emotionally. One of the big mistakes many advertisers make, especially when entering new media, is to embrace the mode of delivery, but fail to understand that the content is what makes it work. It’s easy to do. Because new media tends to get lumped into a single category, and shuffled to anyone who remotely understands it. And there are more people who understand the mechanics than there are
people who understand how to wrap those mechanics with good content. Simply put, there’s no point tweeting unless you’re tweeting something someone wants to read. A blog is just words until those words connect with the reader. Connection is an emotional process — not a mechanical one. The mechanics just help us deliver that emotion, and respond to the response.
Traditionally, the Left has been superb at rallying-cry style
communication. They know how to make a metaphorical banner — wave it, and get people to follow. The Right, in turn, almost always responds with the communications equivalent of a white paper. It might be intellectually sound, but it doesn’t inspire passion. And passion, in advertising, is what you’re after, because it turns into sales. On the political front, replace “sales” with “votes.”
Admittedly, I’m just an observer when it comes to political
advertising. My time is mostly spent selling everyday products to
people on behalf of my clients. But as an interested, and I think
informed, observer, I also think you’re right about the nature of the
GOP and conservatives when it comes to adopting these new forms of communication. They’re, well…conservative. Which means, while the Left is adopting innovation from the bottom up, the Right is dotting every i and crossing every t from the top down. It happens in business with “conservative” marketers, and clearly, it happens in politics.
From where I sit, there is a wealth of “wired” young conservatives,
if you know where to look. They should be able to deliver all the new media mechanical innovation the Right could ever hope for, assuming the hierarchy listens, and lets them. The mechanics are there for the asking. But there’s still a drought of conservative creatives, who can fill that new-media delivery system with messaging that resonates emotionally. Unfortunately, I don’t see that changing much — not because of the Right’s hierarchy, but because there just aren’t, comparatively speaking, many good, wired, creatives on our side.
I am of the “more of both” school, and find it easier right now to focus on the infrastructure buildout, which can be launched without much help from the news environment which will, quite rightly, be focused on the new president and his first 100 days and then first six months. While the GOP should not be silent during this period, it must chose its battles wisely, and use the time to retool quickly so that when the honeymoon passes, however soon or late that comes, they will be better positioned to contrast and persuade.
After 18 years as a natural resources lawyer, I can confidently say that no matter what the project and no matter who the sponsor, any major new public works project will be opposed by local environmental activists and usually by one or more of the big national groups as well. They have many weapons to use, including the Endangered Species Act, the Clean Water Act, and the National Environmental Policy Act not to mention state counterparts to all of these, and many more laws and regulations as well.
I often write about these issues, andI expect Obama’s push to be very good for my law practice as project proponents lawyer up to try and shepherd newly funded big ticket plans through the regulatory maze, but it is absurd to think of public works as an economic stimulus that will work quickly. The idea that major new projects will launch and get workers pouring concrete and building roads, bridges and ports simply ignores the knots that the environmental laws of the U.S. and the states have tied in the development process, and the bigger the project the bigger the knot.
Look, in southern California, the biggest public works project that could get underway quickly is a toll road in Orange County, planned for decades and ready to go.
Passionate no-growth activists or endangered species groups are not going to abandon their agendas because the economy needs a pop. If the president-elect wants public works to help the economy, the legislation authorizing those works is also going to have to reform the web of environmental laws that govern such undertakings.